admin – Jonathan Freedman

Rhetorical Analysis: “X RATED: DC’s Underground Sex Industry”

In Ruben Castaneda’s S Street Rising, a collection of personal accounts surrounding the crack epidemic of the ’80s and ’90s, he recalls crack exchanges outside a nightclub on the corner of S and 7th Street called John’s Place. I recently visited the location, now Angel’s Share Wines and Liquors, and got to witness how the building and neighborhood have developed and transformed from those described in Castaneda’s book. Standing there, imagining what the spot would have looked and felt like when John’s Place remained, I wondered about the context of the nightlife scene in Shaw in the 1980s, a now absent and forgotten culture. In further exploring this idea of a lost culture, of a Washington DC that no longer exists, I learned of the red-light district that once thrived on DC’s 14th Street. While the old red-light district of the ’80s was located in a different area of the city from John’s Place, both share the overarching theme of a forgotten Washington DC, one that has been reduced to fading memory. Today, like the club and bar culture that John’s Place represented, DC’s exotic dance and other sex-related industries that defined the downtown red-light district are gone. In 2005, Chris Vogel of the Washingtonian set out to chronicle the relatively unknown history in his article, “X RATED: DC’s Underground Sex Industry.” In this essay, based in Vogel’s article, I will discuss how DC’s red-light district disappeared, the consequences of that cultural change as it has manifested in the sex industry decades later, and the broader transformation of DC that it may suggest.

From the beginning of the text, the context for the article and the the subject of the informative discourse is stated clearly with the title: “DC’s red-light district is gone, and the strip-club scene is pretty tame. But the sex industry is going strong.” While the unknown, quiet prominence of the sex industry in 2005 DC is an arguably worthy exigence for the article to begin with, Vogel precisely addresses why the reader should care about the subject at hand and recognize a degree of urgency. This introduction sets the stage for how the reader should consider the history he provides, not just as a reminiscence of a culture that is now gone, but also as a narrative that brings light to the consequences of the loss of that culture.

Before Vogel delves into the underground sex industry of his 2005 present, he first frames the red-light district of the ’80s as he subjectively recalls it, and how it compares with the new, “pretty tame” strip-club scene. “Gone is the old red-light district along DC’s 14th Street, where neon lights led the way to peep shows, go-go clubs, and burlesque halls.” The way he describes the lost district’s culture is not pessimistic or adverse, but rather vibrant and outrageous: “There was also burlesque, with big-name headliners like Blaze Starr, who performed in sequined outfits and plumes of feathers, and comedians who filled in between acts.” The red-light district was self-aware and shameless, a truly exotic culture that, according to Vogel’s portrayal, did not seem to alienate or victimize the parties involved. Alternatively, Vogel characterizes the modern strip scene in a different light. Only a few nude-dancing clubs remain, and he claims that the strippers they employ are “about as exotic as cashiers at a suburban mall.” Indeed, while strip clubs are not completely absent from the public eye, the colorful culture of the 1980s red-light district has completely evaporated.

The major catalyst of the red-light district vanishing, as Vogel explains, was the implementation of laws and restrictions to systematically phase out the concentrated culture. “A freeze on liquor licenses for nude-dancing establishments” in the ’90s provided “a compromise between eliminating them and letting them expand,” and an amendment instituted that any clubs trying to relocate had to settle more than 600 feet from any residential building or other strip club, in order to prevent the type of concentration that defined the old red-light district. However, despite the measures to suppress and hinder the expansion of the nude-dancing clubs, Vogel still highlights the continued presence of a lucrative strip industry, concentrated in several American cities in particular. One way he illustrates that presence is with a relative example that puts into perspective the scope of the strip business in 2005. He quotes Angelina Spencer of the Association of Club Executives, who, when talking about Atlanta and its approximately 40 major clubs, says that “even a conservative estimate of the economic impact of such clubs translates to . . . far above the economic impact of the Braves, Hawks, and Falcons combined.” Given that the visible strip business had not ceased to thrive in various other major cities, there must have been something different about DC’s perception of its own strip and sex culture. While Vogel’s depiction of the red-light district seems lively, virtually harmless, and even fun, he elucidates the perception of DC’s lawmakers of the culture as toxic, and in need of removal from the public landscape.

Vogel continually develops the dichotomy of the changes over time in the nude-dancing and sex industries. The visibly positive effects come from the general trend of a less sleazy strip club experience that comes with stricter legislation. A club owner recalls, “there were fewer laws and less enforcement. You even had [then-mayor] Marion Barry accused of doing cocaine at the This Is It club in the mid-1980s. Washington has changed. The most important thing I tell my managers is that we have to keep our license, so we can’t do anything that would cause us to lose it.” It seems that the outward impact of legislation and cultural changes shows to be positive. On the other hand, a major byproduct of legislation that has suppressed the sex industry of the past is that it has forced such services to function clandestinely, which has led to the modern underground sex industry that prompted his writing. Thus, Vogel goes on to describe the “flourishing underworld of escort services and massage-parlor brothels” that is unfortunately “rife with victims.” He details the appalling story of Tina Frundt, a former prostitute who was sold into sex at age 10 and went on to suffer under the vicious control of a pimp that started as an affectionate partner. She was raped, beaten, and mentally tortured, brainwashed to believe that her misfortune was in some way her own fault. This account is only one of many examples Vogel includes to craft the whole reality of Washington’s sex industry, and, suddenly, it becomes increasingly apparent that the situation is quite nuanced and in many ways has not developed for the better.

Today, nearly 14 years after Vogel wrote this article, the dangerous underground sex industry of DC remains, and it seems to have compounded. A 2014 study by the Urban Institute valued DC’s underground sex industry at $103 million. Now, as the industry has continued to infest the city’s streets, the conversation has finally circled back to legislators. Ironically, decades after laws were passed to suppress DC’s sex-related industries, the unforeseen, tragic consequences have led lawmakers to address the animal that is the perilous hidden sex industry that victimizes countless innocent young people. David Grosso, an “at-large D.C. council member” has proposed a bill to decriminalize prostitution in order to combat the decentralized, unregulated system of sex trafficking that the strict laws of the 1980s have fostered. Last year, in light of a new election cycle for the DC Council, candidates received questionnaires about the proposed bill. One response from Martin Moulton of the Gay Libertarian Party read, “Only by legalizing sex work will private peaceful/non-violent/regulated business owners and entrepreneurs be free to create humane, safe and sanitary spaces for adult sex work” (Chibbaro). Indeed, the present state of DC’s sex industry is alarming and serious, and it poses an increasingly talked-about problem that needs fixing.

The common theme that seems to extend throughout the various avenues of cultural transformation in DC — whether it in be the strip and sex industries that once characterized the 14th Street red-light district, or in John’s Place’s Shaw versus that of today — is that well-intended efforts to “clean up” DC have had outwardly positive effects, but also underlying, unintended negative consequences. As a result, what has emerged is a disparity between public perception of such transformation and the reality for the victims of those changes that are left helpless. In Vogel’s article, he points out that “the gaudy downtown clubs have been replaced by office buildings.” This trend unmistakably parallels Shaw. The replacement of the red-light district and its many clubs with new structures like office buildings ostensibly indicate a progression towards a safer, more wholesome DC, but at the expense of the women that now serve a despicable underground sex industry. In the case of Shaw, the replacement of the John’s Places of the area, of other bars, nightclubs, businesses, and other establishments with a new wave of hip, contemporary bars and modern office spaces and residences has supposedly revived the once-crack-ridden neighborhood as up and coming and developing. However, the gentrification of Shaw has come at the expense of the historically black population that has lived there for decades. Rising housing prices that coincide with the influx of a white, affluent demographic are contributing to the widespread displacement of lower-income black residents that can no longer afford to live there (Gringlas). Therefore, the new and improved Washington DC, devoid of a red-light district and filled with avant-garde bars and nightclubs in Shaw, only really favors the elite that brought about the areas’ transformations, while alienating the populations that were there first.

Sources:

Chibbaro, Lou. “Will D.C. Decriminalize Prostitution?” Washington Blade: Gay News, Politics, LGBT Rights, Brown, Naff, Pitts Omnimedia, Inc. , 31 May 2018, www.washingtonblade.com/2018/05/31/will-d-c-decriminalize-prostitution/.

Gringlas, Sam. “Old Confronts New In A Gentrifying D.C. Neighborhood.” NPR, NPR, 16 Jan. 2017, www.npr.org/2017/01/16/505606317/d-c-s-gentrifying-neighborhoods-a-careful-mix-of-newcomers-and-old-timers.

King, Colbert I. “Washington D.C.’s Serious Sex-Trafficking Problem.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 15 Jan. 2016, www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/sex-slavery-isnt-just-a-problem-overseas/2016/01/15/bc3acb04-badd-11e5-829c-26ffb874a18d_story.html.

Koslof, Evan. “Sex Trafficking: It’s Happening Right Now in DC, & We Need Your Help.” WUSA, 10 Feb. 2018, www.wusa9.com/article/news/local/dc/sex-trafficking-its-happening-right-now-in-dc-we-need-your-help/65-516622896.

Stein, Perry. “Study: D.C. Underground Sex Industry Valued at $103 Million.” Washington City Paper, 12 Mar. 2014, www.washingtoncitypaper.com/news/city-desk/blog/13068407/study-d-c-underground-sex-industry-valued-at-103-million.

Vogel, Chris. “X RATED: DC’s Underground Sex Industry | Washingtonian (DC).” Washingtonian, 1 Nov. 2005, www.washingtonian.com/2005/11/01/x-rated-dcs-underground-sex-industry/.

Transformation of Shaw – Nightlife as a Lens

The Shaw neighborhood of DC: then and now.

When I walked into Angel’s Share Wines and Liquors, on the corner of 7th and S Street in the Shaw neighborhood of DC, I asked the cashier if he knew about John’s Place. He clearly did not, and he seemed rather confused when I explained that I was doing a school project about the spot, where, in the late 1980s, there had once stood a nightclub in its place. This came as no surprise to me, for when you search for John’s Place on the web, the only result is a 1990 article by Ruben Castaneda, titled “4 Slain, 2 Hurt in NW Club.” I learned about John’s Place in S Street Rising, a book by Castaneda himself. Indeed, documentation about John’s Place and other bars and nightclubs alike in ’80s and ’90s Shaw — with the exception of a few well-known spots in the area that have lived on, such as the Black Cat or 9:30 Club — are virtually nonexistent; they seem to have faded into forgotten obscurity. The only lasting remnants of this lost nightlife scene appear to be tied to the violent, crack epidemic-induced culture that characterized the neighborhood in those decades. Yet, today, nightlife in Shaw is vibrant and up-and-coming, ushering in a new wave of bars and clubs that litter 7th and 9th Street, bringing an excitable young crowd with them.

The map below displays all the locations of present-day Shaw’s bars and nightclubs.

A host of hip, avant-garde drinking spots have popped up in Shaw, attracting an affluent millennial population. My friend, Sophia, has told me about how much she loves Dacha Beer Garden, a chic indoor-outdoor bar, restaurant, loft, and café on 7th Street. Instagram posts from Dacha’s page show its beautiful pink, mural-laden facade and the fun, youthful crowd it serves.

https://www.instagram.com/p/Bo1wKpfg4Z9/

https://www.instagram.com/p/BmHA-rmHgCI/

Dacha’s lively outdoor patio.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BsjHh6WhyDO/

This sign outside the Passenger draws in the lively, youthful demographic it targets. Who doesn’t love Game of Thrones? It’s a cultural phenomenon.

https://www.instagram.com/p/Bw2sqQbh7lN/

The Columbia Room, located in Bragden Alley off of 9th Street, began as a tasting room in the Passenger with only 10 seats. It opened its own location in 2017 and shortly thereafter was named “Best American Cocktail Bar” at the Tales of the Cocktail Spirited Awards. It’s a cant-miss for any alcohol enthusiast residing in or visiting DC.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BwXtyvkh2Xp/

https://www.instagram.com/p/BqsnREAhWe8/

There’s no shortage of inventive mixology at these stylish, energetic bars.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BwZ-2BOBBap/

In the neighborhood, one can even find the Dabney Cellar, a bar spin-off of the Michelin Star-awarded restaurant The Dabney. The name and complementary setting put forth the low key, dive bar vibe that defines modern Shaw whilst maintaining the elegance of The Dabney’s brand.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BrJICdthxAn/

The progressive, innovative nature of Shaw’s up and coming nightlife scene extends to the spirited LGBTQIA+ community of DC. Nellie’s Sports Bar welcomes all people of diverse sexual orientation and gender identities, often putting on fun, flashy drag events on a given night of the week.

https://www.instagram.com/p/Bvy-Q3snh3P/

There even exists the niche Uproar Lounge for the “Gay Bear” community, generally characterized by hairy, bearded, huskier gay or bisexual men.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BJgA0S4hMbf/

Needless to say, nightlife in today’s Shaw is dynamic, imaginative, and exciting, but how did this surge of new enterprise and cultural transformation come about? The figure below displays the years in which all of these bars and nightclubs in modern-day Shaw were opened.

Nearly every nightclub and bar that exists in Shaw opened in the last decade, many in just the last few years. What happened to John’s Place? What happened to the other 7th and 9th Street bars and clubs that thrived a few decades ago? And what does the absence of that forgotten culture tell us about the broader socioeconomic forces at play?

The 2014 BBC news article “Washington DC, from murder capital to boomtown” explores the roots of this transformation. In 1991, a metro line opened in Shaw, which spurred subsequent development as people began to invest in cheap properties in the area and new residents began to move in. “Affluent young professionals began to opt for the convenience and buzz of living closer to the city centre, often moving to handsome old buildings in areas that had been considered out-of-bounds.” Years ago, the Wonder Bread Factory was a thriving business on S Street, but when it closed down in the 1980s, it supposedly became a “hub for drug dealers.” Now, the article explains, it has been “converted into slick offices for entrepreneurs.” The building still reads “Wonder Bread” and “Hostess Cake,” reminiscent of the memorable spot that is no more.

Another example is the O Street Market, the area around which had been the site of a shooting in 1994 (Wheeler and Melillo). “Now it houses a high-end grocery, and is backed by luxury apartments.” Shaw is becoming safer, it’s seeing new business investment and development, and houses are appreciating in value; surely, this is a positive trend for the neighborhood and it’s inhabitants, right?

Thinking back to a conversation with my friend Sophia, I inquired more specifically about the demographic she noticed at Dacha Beer Garden. She identified it as a hipster crowd, made up of young, seemingly affluent individuals in their 20s, who were predominantly white. Shaw is a historically black neighborhood, yet the influx of new bars and clubs and the according demographic that come with it seem to undermine that original population.

The few hot locations that still harbor a predominantly black crowd seem to be tied to the niche culture of the self-proclaimed Little Ethiopia, based in a section of 9th Street, between U and T, where a lot of Ethiopian immigrants began to settle in the 1990s (Charles). The “modern swanky” Ethiopian MK Hookah Lounge and the Empire Hookah Lounge, for example, still enjoy an animated black customer base; the Empire Lounge markets Afro Caribbean Wednesday’s each week. Even those spots, however, seem to have increasing amounts of white people filling their couches and dance floors.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BwwFDK0ALxY/

How does one’s perspective of this new, lively Shaw change when the word “development” is substituted with “gentrification”? According to a recent article by NPR, titled “Old Confronts New in a Gentrifying D.C. Neighborhood,” the demographic breakdown of Shaw has seen a major shift. “In 1980, Shaw was 78 percent black. In 2010, the black population in the neighborhood had dropped to 44 percent.” That population decrease, the article explains, is not only a product of white people moving into Shaw, but also of a decline in “the actual number of black residents, not just their percentage of the population.” In the last couple decades, housing prices in Shaw have skyrocketed, and average family income has more than tripled. The unfortunate byproduct, however, is the widespread displacement of the black population that has called the neighborhood home since John’s Place’s doors were still open. The article introduces Ernest Peterson, a black man who has spent the majority of his life as a proud resident of Shaw: “I go outside, and these people who been here for 15 minutes look at me like, ‘Why you here?’ That’s that sense of privilege they bring wherever they go. I been here since ’78. They been here six months or a year, and they question my purpose for being here.”

Shaw is evolving, developing, and growing in economic standing, and from its evolution has emerged a vibrant, exciting culture. It’s a social scene, an up and coming neighborhood, and a place where well-off young people like myself and Sophia can enjoy fun excursions to Dacha Beer Garden among a cool, hip crowd, but at what cost?

Sources:

Castaneda, Ruben, and DeNeen L. Brown. “4 SLAIN, 2 HURT IN NW CLUB.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 25 Feb. 1990, www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1990/02/25/4-slain-2-hurt-in-nw-club/24cb2a56-7514-450a-ad6e-5d084c56fede/?utm_term=.258ce850d951.

Charles, Dominic. “Claiming a Neighborhood: Shaw and Little Ethiopia.” Boundary Stones: WETA’s Washington DC History Blog, 14 Aug. 2018, blogs.weta.org/boundarystones/2018/08/14/claiming-neighborhood-shaw-and-little-ethiopia.

Lewis, Aidan, and Bill McKenna. “Washington DC from Murder Capital to Boomtown.” BBC News, BBC, 6 Aug. 2014, www.bbc.com/news/magazine-28605215.

MK Lounge, www.mkloungedc.com/.

Spiegel, Anna. “The Columbia Room Wins ‘Best American Cocktail Bar.’” Washingtonian, Washingtonian Media Inc., 3 Aug. 2017, www.washingtonian.com/2017/07/24/columbia-room-dc-wins-best-american-cocktail-bar/.

Wheeler, Linda, and Wendy Melillo. “D.C. Market Shooting Kills 1, Injures 8.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 1 Apr. 1994, www.washingtonpost.com/local/dc-market-shooting-kills-1-injures-8/2013/11/18/c7a1dee6-5087-11e3-a7f0-b790929232e1_story.html.

Digital Archive: Angel’s Share Wines and Liquors

This is the storefront of Angel’s Share Wines and Liquors, the location that used to be the nightclub John’s Place in the 1980s. The structure does not appear new, and I would venture to guess that it is the same building as John’s Place, reworked for its new purpose. Its clever logo appears on the sign above the front entrance, a barrel with an angel’s wings and halo.

Digital Archive: Ordinary Liquor Store

This is a broad view of the interior of Angel’s Share Wines and Liquors. The cashier gives me a confused look as I take a picture of his rather ordinary establishment, before I explain to him our purpose for being there. Shelves behind the counter contain cigarettes and other tobacco products, and refrigerators line the back wall where the “BUD LIGHT” poster can be seen. There is also a second unmanned register; perhaps they have busier hours.

Digital Archive: Mural

This is the mural on the northern wall of the store. The image of a passionate black musician seems representative of historical African American musical culture. The singer’s dress and the waves of vibrant colors seem to allude to another musical era, and the art exudes innovation, creativity, and happiness.